Sangam and Agora:  A Forum of Poets, Philosophers, Scholars, and Autodidacts

A Short Note or Informal Manifesto

Vinay Lal and Grzegorz Kwiatkowski

Though the idea for a new international forum comprised of poets and philosophers, writers and scholars, and activists and public intellectuals was conceived by us some months ago and has been germinating in our minds for much longer, the recent turn of events signaled by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has underscored the desirability of such a venture.  However reprehensible this act of aggression, and whatever the geopolitics that inform the present circumstances, we aver that war is always a crime against humanity.

The uncomfortable fact is that the world has been spiraling out of control for some years, oddly enough in the wake of the triumphant declaration by the United States, following the end of the Cold War and the dissolution of the Soviet Union, that the entire world appeared to be gravitating towards liberal democracy and the ethos of the free market economy.  Even as countries such as China and Russia have hardened their resolve to suppress dissent at home, many established democracies have been veering towards authoritarianism in recent years. On the economic front, it is widely conceded that inequality in nearly every country has grown immensely, and the various goals that the United Nations and its myriad agencies have set from time to time for the elimination of poverty, hunger, malnutrition, or illiteracy are not even remotely close to being met. The goalposts, whether with regard to literacy, access to health care, schooling, and so on, have shifted an innumerable number of times in the last half century.

However, the tenor of our present malaise or, to use an overly wrought word, “crisis”, cannot be captured by the decline of liberal democracy or the obscene economic disparities that make a mockery of our pretensions to a world where considerations of equity, social justice, and peace reign supreme.  Beyond all this, the stark, brutal, and unremitting reality of climate change threatens to make every other misfortune or even catastrophe look puny in comparison.  The most recent “Sixth Assessment Report” (2021) of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) makes for grim reading, unequivocally clear as it is that the efforts to mitigate global warming have been woefully insufficient.  It declares that “global warming of 1.5°C and 2°C will be exceeded during the 21st century unless deep reductions in carbon dioxide (CO2) and other greenhouse gas emissions occur in the coming decades”, and it goes on to warn that “continued global warming is projected to further intensify the global water cycle, including its variability, global monsoon precipitation and the severity of wet and dry events.”  The extreme weather events that have plagued the world—not the least of them 100°F temperatures in Siberia—in recent years will almost certainly increase, though speaking of plague should of course remind us of the catastrophic coronavirus pandemic that gripped the world.

War, political authoritarianism, the drift away from democracy, unmitigated climate change, the spiraling increase in consumption, the reduction of the human to homo economicus:  catastrophic as all this is, it is insufficient to describe what ails us today.  Nor will it be adequate to add to the above narrative other elements of the global situation in the hope that we will better comprehend the temper of our times. It is entirely reasonable, for instance, to suggest that the seductions of globalization have given way to the recrudescence of nationalism.  Some of us, especially if we have been life-long students of anti-colonial movements and have partaken of them in our own modest ways, recognize nationalism as a ‘disease’.  The difficulty of persuading those who have been at the receiving end of colonialism to think beyond nationalism must be recognized, but nationalism cannot be deflected or confronted merely with anodyne expressions of the fact that people are fundamentally ‘good’ and affirmations of the necessity of being a ‘world citizen’.  All too often, the ‘world citizen’ is a citizen of nowhere, and therefore bears none of the responsibilities that attach to the idea of citizenship. The ‘world citizen’ is only another expression of the rights-bearing individual who in principle has become the normative expression of what it means to be human, a stark indication of how far we have moved away from the language of ‘duties’.

The malaise of which we speak points to something deeply disturbing in the human condition at present—something akin to the end of imagination, even as all around the world common people take to the streets to signify their dissent, publishing flourishes, and the internet seems abuzz with thousands of ideas.  Language can restrain, limit, and enslave us as much as it liberates us. Everywhere there is the injunction ‘to think outside the box’, though it should be obvious that anyone using so cliched a phrase is unlikely to ever do anything like that.  Whoever heard anyone proudly declaring that they would like to think inside the box?  (A similar problem exists with the vastly overused and banal word, ‘excellence’, regarding which Bill Readings made the most apposite observation, in The University in Ruins, that it signifies absolutely nothing.) T. S. Eliot, in “Little Gidding” (The Four Quartets), put it this way, “History may be servitude, history may be freedom.” To the great detriment of the world, the languages in which the human predicament has been framed in the post-World War II have been largely shaped by the practices of the social sciences in the United States.  The problems of America become, willy-nilly, the problems of the rest of the world; when America sneezes, the rest of the world sneezes.  When the master is sick, as Malcolm X put it inimitably, “we sick”.  Identity politics of the sort that is exceedingly common on the American university campus and has slowly made its way into other sectors of American society has now become part of the common conversation in many countries, but we do not think that ‘identity politics’ is a very productive way of delivering a just society or an equitable social order.

What is required is a greater appreciation of more fundamental questions that underscore the precarity, ambiguity, and uncertainty of human experience.  Every generation, admittedly, tends to think that its own woes are the worst, but we would do well to inquire what makes our malaise profound and distinct. We have already pointed to the conjuncture of various circumstances, at the apex of which stands the problem of the Anthropocene, but the gravity of the problem can be amplified by seeking to understand what makes our gross indifference to our common future, as well as man’s inhumanity to man, different in these times.  The 20th century was a century of total war, but first World War I—the “Great War”, the war that was supposed to wean us from all wars—and then World II put an end to the idea that humankind had freed itself of the addiction to war.  We need not add to the tally of these “world wars” the wars generated by the Cold War or modern-day genocides such as the one that decimated Rwanda in 1994.  In the last two to three decades alone, just exactly what have diversity training—little do the bureaucrats know that even dictators have to undergo “diversity training”—corporate social responsibility, “respect” training, and other respected shenanigans wrought except the great delusion that somehow we have become more sensitive and caring human beings and the idea that incrementally societies will free themselves of their prejudices.  The late David Graeber wrote wittingly and illuminatingly on ‘bullshit jobs’, but it is just as true that trillions of dollars are expended on ‘bullshit’ research that over the last several decades has yielded very little.

There is a character in Albert Camus’s novel, The Plague, who says that at the end of the day there is only one way to address the plague—“decency”.  But whatever happened to decency?  Or, even more tellingly, whatever happened to the idea of “shame”?  Does the idea of ‘shame’ have any currency at all in most societies these days?  We would go so far as to say that “shame” has virtually disappeared from the public vocabulary of our times.  Whoever speaks of “virtue”—except perhaps students of Greek philosophy, immersed in the reading of Plato and Aristotle.  The malaise of which we speak is captured in the unimpeachable and disturbing fact that every language of dissent has been hijacked, first and foremost by the gargantuan world of the American university.

This enterprise, which seeks no corporate or foundation funding, and is premised on the hope that goodwill, intellectual appetite and rigor, and imagination taken singly and in combination can command an audience, is thus animated by the conviction that poets, philosophers, writers, public intellectuals, scholars, and others must assume a greater place in thinking about the human condition and working on producing an ethical praxis more in congruence with ideas of social justice, equity, compassion, and even wisdom. Poetry makes nothing happen, wrote Auden, but of course as someone dedicated to the craft over decades he secretly pined for the day when Shelley’s apotheosization of poets as “the unacknowledged legislators of the world” might bear fruit.  There is no such expectation on our part, but we would like to see what we can do across borders—the borders that persist between nations-state, between self and other, between disciplines, between the cerebral and the manual, and the other borders too numerous to mention that make radical transgression a key political and ethical imperative of our times.

Our modest hope is to convene this forum once a month, or at least every six weeks, and have a poetry reading, short presentations, and vigorous discussion.  Meetings will be held over zoom, and we may even in time use the transcripts to create volumes of collective authorship.  If, after several meetings, it appears that the enterprise does not inspire us enough, it can be abandoned—or passed on to others who are able to marshal creativity and intellectual insights more forcefully.

We will have our first meeting via zoom on Saturday, April 23rd, at 10:30 AM (Los Angeles), or 6:30 PM—London; 7:30 PM—Poland; 11 PM—New Delhi.  Registration at this link is required:

https://ucla.zoom.us/meeting/register/tJIvf-uqqjgqEtHmmbAMikxJcbUDWXXTuCye

Vinay Lal, Los Angeles/Delhi: cultural critic, public commentator, blogger, and Professor of History, UCLA [email:  vlal@history.ucla.edu]

Grzegorz Kwiatkowski, Gdańsk:  poet, writer, musician, and co-host of the Oxford workshop, “Virus of Hate” [email:  gregor.kwiatkowski@gmail.com]

Sangam=from the Sanskrit, meaning confluence of rivers, especially of the Ganga, Yamuna, and the (mythical) Saraswati at Prayag; also refers to the Tamil Sangam poets, who flourished 500 BCE-300 CE; Agora=from the Greek, an open public space for markets, assemblies, and itinerant philosophers

19 thoughts on “Sangam and Agora:  A Forum of Poets, Philosophers, Scholars, and Autodidacts

  1. Hi Patrick,
    You have my email; just write to me if you can. Otherwise, go ahead and register; you will get a link, and all you have to do is click on it the day of the event. But you first need to have zoom installed on your computer; the installation takes a few minutes at best. If you think you may require more detailed instructions on downloading and installing zoom, just go to Google and type in “downloading and installing zoom” for your Mac, or PC, whatever it is. I would be delighted to see you there.
    Cheers, Vinay

    Liked by 1 person

  2. I like that the idea of a ‘world citizen’ is addressed in the context of nationalism. The association between ‘good’ and ‘world citizen’ is an important point to address because that idea is used to reject the responsibility of being a citizen instead of what it means, which is to be a good member of the human race. So I think it was an important point to make, it is too often used simply to consider oneself removed from a place and therefore away from the duties of citizenship and one step further from potential nationalist views. Sure, by not pledging allegiance to a place you are avoiding developing nationalist views, however, there is something to be said about the value of being a citizen, a member of a smaller community than that of the world population and having pride in that community.

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  3. It is so interesting that you state how the malaise points to the “end of imagination.” Given the current (excuse the overwrought word, as you put it) crises and decrepit state of our world, now would be the best time for an abundance of imagination. Right when we need it, imagination tends to slip away. Then, in times of peace, it comes surging back again like a high tide. It is a never-ending circle, and akin to the “what came first, the chicken or the egg?” idiom. Wars are waged, people starve, the world’s climate erodes, and the imagination to produce solutions fails us all, most of all politicians. This can be seen most recently in the escalating number of mass shootings in the United States. The solution is apparent yet eludes conservative lawmakers– is this the lack of imagination or simply a blindness to it? Yet, in times of relative peace, imagination blossoms. Take the Renaissance, or the Age of Enlightenment, for example. People release their inhibitions, embrace philosophy, culture, and humanity. Now we are left with the question: how do we reinstate that love for philosophy, culture, and humanity in today’s age? Your mission to host meetings discussing various topics related to these seems like a great place to start!

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  4. Though I agree that a public forum of intellectuals and thinking scholars can advance a more ethical and pragmatic approach to national and international security, I do think it may not be as sufficiently useful in practice. The nature of our global problems rely heavily on the operation of certain universal forces acting at a distance—forces of nationalism, cultural vitality, and social conduct. These forces often function to undermine the spread of globalization. As a result, we see what you describe as a decline in liberal democracy and economic freedom. I do agree with you that the United States, because of its global hegemonic power, has indirectly influenced the rise of authoritarian political structures around the world, particularly in China and Russia. So I suggest that in order to attain order and intelligence in social affairs, there must be a conscientious but inconvenient recognition of the characteristics that define these social forces: What causes nationalistic tendencies? What role does culture play in guiding human conduct and group activity? What factors drive social behavior, and how can these factors be remedied in a way that promotes peace and security? These are the fundamental questions that need to be raised in order to encourage a more sustainable international order. And sure, an intellectual forum can help in promoting and maybe answering these questions, but it is up to leaders of great authority and influence to determine if the answers to these questions are worth practicing in the real world.

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  5. The problem with the intellectuals is they are only interested in speaking to other intellectuals. A closed community that most people never think about, let alone have an interest in what they have to say.

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    • You obviously don’t understand the meaning of the word ‘autodidacts’. If you did, you would realize the absurdity of your comment–not necessarily in general, but in relation to this enterprise. In any case, throw-away remarks like yourself are just another way of affecting a supercilious attitude.

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  6. Interesting post! I enjoy the way you broke down the essay into understanding how we interact with the world through our identity in identity politics (and the harm with that), an appreciation of the uncertainty of the human experience, and exploring emotions such as shame with Albert Camus. Giving space to understand shame with poetry is a helpful way to pull humanity towards also relying on emotions to guide us towards a better future, rather than solely reducing decision making to logic and reasoning while not understanding our unconscious emotions that come to play in that decision making. Further I enjoy the discussion of language, on the notion of a “world citizen” concept prioritizing humans as right-bearers rather than acknowledging that we have to protect the rights of the land and give as well as take. It is interesting how language can affect our way of thinking, and we cannot simply broaden the term of citizen to the world to address nationalism, but we must break down these ways of thinking and introduce language that puts our duties at the forefront. Lastly, I enjoy the concept of bringing different perspectives and careers into one forum to discuss a better future. I believe there are some faults with the separation of careers, such as the bureaucracy that can slow down processes of decision making and avoid understanding overlaps in topics.

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  7. Interesting post! I enjoy the way you broke down the essay into understanding how we interact with the world through our identity in identity politics (and the harm with that), an appreciation of the uncertainty of the human experience, and exploring emotions such as shame with Albert Camus. Giving space to understand shame with poetry is a helpful way to pull humanity towards also relying on emotions to guide us towards a better future, rather than solely reducing decision making to logic and reasoning while not understanding our unconscious emotions that come to play in that decision making. Further, I enjoy the discussion of language, on the notion of a “world citizen” concept prioritizing humans as right-bearers rather than acknowledging that we have to protect the rights of the land and give as well as take. It is interesting how language can affect our way of thinking, and we cannot simply broaden the term of citizen to the world to address nationalism, but we must break down these ways of thinking and introduce language that puts our duties at the forefront. Lastly, I enjoy the concept of bringing different perspectives and careers into one forum to discuss a better future. I believe there are some faults with the separation of careers, such as the bureaucracy that can slow down processes of decision making and avoid understanding overlaps in topics.

    Like

  8. In the blog, Professor Lal states that it is hard to persuade people, especially those who have been at the receiving end of colonialism, to look past nationalism and to even recognize it as a “disease.” This point was interesting to me, as I feel that nationalism is so deeply built into the culture of a nation. Take the United States, for example, as throughout an individual’s upbringing and education, the United States is framed as being the prime superpower in textbooks and curriculum. In addition, holidays are centered around the idea that the United States is the “best place to live” and “the greatest.” Therefore due to these reasons, among many more, individuals are raised with this sense of nationalism from an early age, which can continue to grow as they age, without the individual being consciously aware of it. I think this makes the break away from nationalism even harder as it is something that needs to be actively worked towards, and therefore individuals must be aware of its presence. In order for a true break away from nationalism, I believe a reevaluation of education and framing of politics must be done in order to address the root of the problem.

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  9. I agree with the overall assertion from Lal that this generation has been somewhat spiraling downwards with the rise of climate change, aggression by Russia as well as an overall step away from democracy, and that this is concerning. I however do not believe that this generation has done the “worst woes”, while there are still many problems in the world and nothing is perfect, people are not equal and there still exists racism and issues the world we have today seems much more stable and less violent than the one we had seventy-five to a hundred years ago. So while there is “malaise” that is happening, there are also a lot of reasons to be appreciative of what has been managed to be achieved by the UN, by individual countries in the strive towards democracy and the independence of middle eastern and African countries. However, to the existing problems and problems being newly created by today’s societies, I think that an intellectual meeting is something that should be helpful in this case. Gathering the greatest minds can help us get out of the current problems we face and that you describe. In addition an increase in intellectuals in government I think is crucially necessary and important. I feel as though uninformed people who fill a position that needs to be filled but know nothing about basic science, history or literature are making the most important decision regarding legislation and advances in our society. Gathering of intellectuals I think is very important for this reason, as this could be useful in informing the public, and people in positions of power for better decisions to be made that can help lead us towards a more ideal world.

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  10. Hi Professor,

    I think you did a great job at creating a sense of scale, of contrasting war, rising authoritarianism, the impending climate crisis, and widening wealth gap with “identity politics,” as you put it, on the American college campus. I feel like I should clarify that I am not against identity politics in principle, in the same way that you aren’t, but I do agree that “what is required is a greater appreciation of more fundamental questions that underscore the precarity, ambiguity, and uncertainty of human experience.” The fact is that, especially in a corporate setting, a lot of “diversity training” consists of surface-level instruction about how to appear respectable. It is like you say, “even dictators have to undergo “diversity training.” One can adopt the aesthetics of respectability while holding zero conviction or understanding for why they should behave the way they do. And without that understanding, they are afraid of committing harmless infractions because they have not considered intent, history, delivery, and all the underlying context that makes words or behaviors actually problematic. They may also hold the “great delusion that somehow we have become more sensitive and caring human beings and the idea that incrementally societies will free themselves of their prejudices.” They are lured into a false sense of security, becoming so consumed with maintaining the status quo of respectability that they do not understand evil does not need to rear an ugly head. Structural problems are baked into society, and they are not often so personal.

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  11. The question of nationalism is a very interesting one in my opinion, from which erupts many other questions. Some may argue that nationalism provides a sense of comradeship with fellow people from the same nation, and that there is a sense of pride, especially when the people in a country has been oppressed, colonized and been through hardship. Yet when you look at the definition of it, it often describes this term as being to the detriment of other nations, a sort of unconditional love for one’s country. As Professor Lal stated and quoted Malcolm X, when the US sneezes, the rest of the world sneezes. This is something that is often made abundantly clear when international students move to the US. Everything tends to surround the US, as many other country’s are taught about America’s involvement in wars, and to learn about their geography, when most Americans aren’t taught about the rest of the world. The idea of an intellectual circle to discuss the world at its current state, is also a way to make sense of the world around us, with so many contradictions in order to dismantle already programmed ideologies such as nationalism.

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  12. Professor Lal approaches the topic of inequality in a very informative manner and how a free market creates instability as well. I have never thought about the free market and capitalism having effects on important matters, such as global warming. The free market creates a huge gap between the rich and the poor in all societies that have adopted this West-oriented economy. It is not to say that the West is safe from the inequalities that plague the citizens. The lower classes who are unable to succeed in the free market economy suffer from hunger, poor work conditions, poor healthcare, etc. As a result, the lower class is at a huge disadvantage which results in a difficult state of climbing up economically and socially. The creation of these low-income communities enables the rich to use these communities as their dumping yards. Pollutants, chemicals, and poor air quality are brought upon these communities without the people having the option to leave due to their low income. These low-income communities allow for more dumping yards that the rich use to continue growing their wealth. Inadvertently, the rich are increasing their wealth and increasing the effects of global warming across the world. Natural patterns are disrupted, resources are being used up, and cities are being heavily populated with poor living conditions.

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  13. This article has been a very fascinating read for me personally as it deals with a range of issues with our world today and all connecting it back to the necessity of a forum to foster an environment where all these poets, philosophers, scholars, and autodidacts can come together and discuss these issues. I agree with the fact that there are still many pressing issues within our society today that need to be taken care of and a massive amount of work that our systems need to go through in order to provide the best support for our citizens. On the topic of protecting the environment and greenhouse gasses it is something that I can understand personally after traveling throughout the world. While visiting the glaciers in Alaska and Norway the markers are very clear as to how the landscape looked 100, 50, 20, 10, even 5 years ago and the amount of difference and receding icebergs was shocking. The way that it was moving was exponential showing that the problem is only getting worse. I also love how this article mentioned the sense of identity and the nationalism ideal that people had. I found it very interesting to describe nationalism as a disease. To this article point I think having a forum where all these intellectuals can convey together will be an amazing way to share ideas and perspectives while trying to find a way to move forward.

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  14. The way you described language as something that can be limiting as much as it is liberating is an intriguing take, and I agree with you in that the pressure to “think outside the box” has become so overused that it is meaningless. I currently don’t use social media because of the amount of radical ideas from every direction that do not accomplish anything besides instigating others, and the excess of language and differences in opinions is not, in my experience, bringing anyone together, it is doing the opposite.
    I found your take on identity politics and nationalism somewhat confusing though, you maintained that nationalism is a disease (and it certainly seems so, what with people being so overcome with pride in their country that they cannot even acknowledge that flaws in their nation exist *cough cough America*). However, you said that identity politics does not serve a good purpose either. I admit that I did not truly understand what identity politics was, but upon researching it for a few moments, it seems to me as if it is the opposite of nationalism in a way: people focusing on the concerns of subgroups within a nation rather than the nation as a whole. I have heard somewhat controversial accounts of people of color who went through “sensitivity training” at their jobs, and found it to be the opposite of helpful, as their coworkers began to avoid them and treat them differently as a result, because they feared a comment would be seen as politically incorrect. This sort of separating people by race, gender, religion, social class, etc. seems to align with the ideals of identity politics, focusing on subgroups within a population rather than the entire population as a whole (nationalism). Would you be able to further expand upon the problems of both nationalism and identity politics, and what would be a better alternative to those two ideals?

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  15. The authors write that the idea of decency and shame is gone in most societies. I think these ideas are what kept previous societies intact and cooperative. Since only students of Greek philosophy speak of virtue, perhaps this is a sign we should study ancient times, when conflicts were not so complicated nor widespread. They focused on philosophical questions that bettered society and provided this advice to politicians. However, modern American politics is so bitterly divided that there may be no hope in creating a peaceful society. I also believe that this divide in politics is complicated by the rise of capitalism and identity politics. The statement that “language can restrain, limit, and enslave us as much as it liberates us” stood out to me. People become brainwashed by political leaders. I think that Americans are so focused on their own government, that they are trapped within a bubble and fail to acknowledge how China and Russia are becoming more repressive towards basic human rights. Many Americans understand foreign affairs based on how they affect America, but not about other country’s problems themselves.

    The authors also wrote about how no one is addressing climate change, and instead choosing to focus their time on political and social problems Since climate change is not directly affecting most people’s day to day life, I think that they choose to focus on other problems because they can see firsthand how it affects them. For instance, the politics of the current president affect their socioeconomic status, which most people prioritize over the weather.

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  16. The influence of language on our thought processes is intriguing. Merely expanding the concept of citizenship globally to address nationalism is insufficient. Instead, we need to dismantle these thought patterns and introduce language that prioritizes our responsibilities. Global problems often stem from powerful universal forces such as nationalism, cultural vitality, and social behavior, which can hinder the progress of globalization. This phenomenon contributes to the decline of liberal democracy and economic freedom, as you mentioned. I agree that the United States, given its global hegemonic power, has indirectly influenced the rise of authoritarian political structures in countries like China and Russia. To achieve order and intelligence in social affairs, it is necessary to consciously recognize the defining characteristics of these social forces, even if it may be inconvenient. Questions must be raised to understand what fuels nationalistic tendencies, the role of culture in shaping human behavior and group dynamics, and the underlying factors that drive social conduct. Addressing these issues is crucial for promoting peace and security and establishing a more sustainable international order. While an intellectual forum can contribute to promoting and potentially answering these questions, it ultimately falls upon influential leaders with authority to determine if these answers are worth implementing in the real world.

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